 |
Political Oppression
Ethiopia has experienced continuing economic growth and has progressed in many fields the recent years. However, the human rights situation in the country remains a matter of concern. Organizations focused on improving human rights are impeded. Political opposition is subject to abuse. Journalists who report on the state of affairs are harassed and persecuted.
With severe restrictions on political involvement and political statements after the 2005 election, the political climate in Ethiopia has become increasingly toxic. A large number of journalists and others outspoken against the government have been incarcerated since 2005. With a very small mandate in the Parliament in the 2010 election, the opposition party has little political power to improve the political situation.
The Norwegian authorities previously collaborated closely with the opposition party in Ethiopia, but now there is virtually no contact. With the absence of current and credible information, there is also now considerably less criticism directed at the Ethiopian regime by the Norwegian government.
In recent years, the Ethiopian government has enacted laws that in various ways limit the opposition’s ability to promote political freedom. Many opposition politicians, journalists and bloggers have been accused of terrorism pursuant to the anti-terrorism laws that have recently been enforced.
In addition to these restrictions, laws have been put in place to control the media to a greater extent, and that de facto isolate organizations from working with human rights. Surveillance by the authorities is extensive, and they firmly control the citizens. Few public demonstrations are staged in Ethiopia.
Many politicians in the opposition remain in custody in Ethiopia, and many are accused of affiliation to illegal parties that are regarded as terrorist organizations. Individuals from the legitimate opposition parties are imprisoned and are subjected to attacks of varying seriousness. Young members are particularly vulnerable, especially after the Arabic Autumn. Many in the opposition are subjected to false accusations, and false affidavits are given against them. To further inhibit the powerbases they tend to target those in the grassroots, due to the fact that those in top positions are more visible and thus more protected. The attacks on the political opposition are arbitrary and unpredictable in nature.
A number of informants report physical abuse in prisons; one can only guess the scale of it. Public critique of the government is prohibited in Ethiopia, it is however possible to publish criticism about how politics are applied. Certain subjects are considered to be too sensitive and therefore off limits for the press.
What is considered the illegal opposition operates primarily in exile, and all activity in Ethiopia is clandestine. The so-called illegal opposition parties regard armed combat as a necessary means to facilitate a regime change. The parties have been weakened in the past decade, and pose no veritable threat to the current government. Three of the banned opposition parties have been deemed as terrorist organizations by the Ethiopian Parliament.
None of the informants in Ethiopia have direct contact with these banned political parties as a result of the risks this would pose. Many informants have little knowledge about the activities of banned parties in Ethiopia. They spoke of some activity in Ethiopia, and there is some evidence to that extent. Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP) contacted us whilst we were in Addis Ababa. In addition to that they also put up posters outside the guesthouse where we resided.
Any involvement with the banned opposition parties in Norway will have deleterious repercussions upon return to Ethiopia, however there is no indication to the degree or extent of involvement that is required in order to be targeted; furthermore there is no indication exactly what the repercussions would be. No member of the opposition has ever been deported, which makes it difficult to guess what the consequences would be.
The Ethiopian authorities crack down on people with any affiliation to these parties and punitive action is taken towards those who have any association to these banned parties. Many informants claim that people that are active in these parties risk incarceration and torture upon arrival in Ethiopia.
The degree of visibility has significance for how vulnerable individuals who are critical of the authorities are. There is great uncertainty as to how the Ethiopian government will treat these individuals upon deportation. Opposition leaders claim that there is a high probability that the system critics who are deported will be faced with retaliations after a given time, and that the accusation will then be well camouflaged. More informants claim that the system critics who face deportation to Ethiopia would be vulnerable to fabricated accusations and false affidavits.
The press in Ethiopia is controlled by the authorities. Over the past few years newspapers have been banned, web sites barred, radio stations and satellite TV- stations blocked. Internet surveillance has been intensified, and bloggers received stiff sentences. Many journalists have been exposed to violence, and many more have gone to exile. At present there is only one newspaper that is critical of the government.
Gender Based Persecution
Homosexuality is socially unacceptable and a criminal offense in Ethiopia. As a result, co-habitation amongst homosexual couples is not permissible. Members of the Ethiopian lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) community are consistently subjected to hate crimes and violence by both the government and private citizens. Informants report that criminal cases are often fabricated against homosexuals. While LGBTs are incarcerated, they are exposed to violence by the police, prison officers and fellow inmates.
Not only are LGBTs attacked and beaten up by private citizens, but they also fall victims of extortion by professional gangs. Openness about one’s sexual orientation in Ethiopia can result in ostracism at the family and community level. At the professional level, there is also the risk of losing your job if your homosexual orientation is discovered. Even the normal last resorts for support, like religious and community leaders, are most often vehemently homophobic.
There is very little transparency about mistreatment of homosexuals in Ethiopia, as attacks on homosexuals are rarely reported. Organizations that work with, support or represent homosexuals have very little influence on this matter.
Many women in Ethiopia are victims of genital mutilations. Although empirical statistics are scarce, with material variability providing numbers of this practice, there seems to be a consensus that this practice is decreasing. According to an EGLDAM report; the amount of women who are subjected to genital mutilation decreased from 73% to 57 % between the years 1997 and 2007. However, the UN reported in 2011 that there is a prevalence rate of 74 %. There is a notable variation regionally and ethnically with regards to how many women are circumcised. Furthermore, there is also variation regarding the age and method of circumcision. Genital mutilation was criminalised in 2005, but the law is only enforced to a very limited extent.
Repatriation Agreement
In January 2011 Norway and Ethiopia agreed to coordinate and regulate the voluntary repatriation as well as the forceful deportation of Ethiopian asylum seekers. This agreement has been criticized both by The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and by NOAS.
Individuals who return to Ethiopia by their own volition are offered a cash pay- out to the value of NOK 15 000 upon arrival in addition to being eligible for a start-up grant (up to the value of approximately NOK 30 000). This however is not a cash grant. This can be used to set up a business or for educational purposes. The Administration for Refugee and Returnee Affairs (ARRA), an institution established by the Ethiopian government and part of the Ministry of Home Affairs, is the main implementing partner of UNHCR. Although ARRA is responsible for the reintegration program, they have to date not yet managed to establish a system for this. Thus, a temporary and simplified program has been established in the spring of 2012. The whole amount is payable in cash. However, they are also eligible for a reintegration grant. There is still much uncertainty with regards to how a permanent reintegration program would function.
Prior to the repatriation agreement was signed, the deportation of Ethiopians was very complicated. The amount of deportations of Ethiopians from Norway and other Western countries in the past few years has been minimal. There have also been relatively few voluntary returns to Ethiopia.
Gloria Owoses
No comments:
Post a Comment